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Posted by Voshicage on 2022-06-28

Other click here payers prlce discounts that make the prices paid by those programs substantially lower than net prices in Part Price prescription drugs but somewhat higher than those paid by Medicaid.

The Congressional Budget Office found that retail prices for a given basket of drugs were very similar for Medicare and Medicaid. See Adam J. Unlike rebates for brand-name drugs, those rebates do not reduce net costs to plans because they are paid to pharmacies or wholesalers rather dugs to plans or PBMs.

Price prescription drugs Steven M. Lieberman and Paul B. Leonard D. PBMs have recently reported that prrice percent of rebates are passed through to insurers and plan sponsors, though small insurers and employers have reported that they receive smaller shares of rebates. See Price prescription drugs Seeley and Aaron S.

The Medicaid price and spending figures in this report do not include those supplemental rebates because CBO does not have information about such rebates. The prescfiption of those fees in the Part D program has been growing in pricd years. By one estimate, post-sale discounts accounted for 18 percent of all rebates and discounts collected by Part D plans in A recent estimate suggests that nonretail drugs represented approximately 30 percent of overall net spending on prescription drugs in the United States in Trends in Spending Over the — Period.

Spending on prescription drugs rose particularly rapidly after as a number of drugs reached blockbuster status.

The most prominent of those drugs were statins for high cholesterol, ACE inhibitors for high blood pressure, proton-pump inhibitors for acid reflux and gastric ulcers, and antidepressants and antipsychotics for mental illnesses. When the patents on those drugs began to expire—an event often referred to as the patent cliff—lower-priced generic substitutes were introduced and gained market share.

Trends in Spending Since Spending on prescription drugs increased again over the — period before leveling off thereafter. A key factor in that increase was the introduction, at the end ofof a class of specialty drugs that treat hepatitis C. The click for hepatitis C were introduced at particularly high prices. However, overall use of prescriptions in the Medicaid program did not grow faster in the years immediately following the insurance expansions than it did in prior years, suggesting that the expansions were not a key driver of the increase in spending on prescription drugs over that presdription.

Those programs account for a large share of all U. Together, beneficiaries in those programs were responsible for about 45 percent of nationwide spending on retail prescription drugs in as measured in the National Health Expenditure Accounts.

This was particularly true for people who were dually eligible for Medicare and Medicaid and whose prescription drug coverage transitioned from Medicaid to Medicare Part D. Those totals reflect amounts spent by insurers and patients, less rebates and discounts for brand-name drugs. For the purposes of making comparisons between different populations, it is most meaningful to compare patterns in per capita or per enrollee spending. Changes in spending price prescription drugs person reflect a variety of factors, such as changes in average health status—both at the population level and the program level—and changes in prices.

For example, the aging of members of the baby-boom generation most likely increased nationwide per capita spending over the — period because of the corresponding increase in the average age of the population. Changes in total spending are also affected by population and enrollment growth—and enrollment in Medicare Part D and Medicaid grew much faster than the nationwide population over the study period.

The role of the Medicaid expansions in those trends is unclear, depending on the average usage patterns of the deugs eligible Medicaid population compared with the previously eligible population. One study found prescritpion increases in prescription volume were similar to increases in enrollment in states that expanded Medicaid, suggesting that the impact on per enrollee spending depends on the average prices for drugs used by the newly eligible population compared with the previously eligible population.

Price prescription drugs in the amounts of per enrollee spending in Medicare Part D and Medicaid and in per capita spending in the United States as a whole are stark. They are most likely driven by a combination of differences in average health status and statutory rebates in the Medicaid program. Per enrollee spending in Medicare is much higher than the national average, probably because many Medicare beneficiaries have chronic health conditions and may fill several prescriptions per month.

By contrast, lower per spending in Medicaid is probably attributable to a combination price prescription drugs the statutory rebates in that program—which lead to lower net prices—and the fact price prescription drugs many Medicaid beneficiaries with prescription drug coverage are relatively healthy adults or children.

That offsets higher average price prescription drugs by the less healthy disabled population in the Medicaid program. Utilization of prescription drugs nationwide has increased in recent years, both because the prevalence of chronic conditions has increased with the aging of the U. Use of prescription lrice among those enrolled in Medicare Part D and Medicaid increased as well.

Administrative data about Medicare Part D show that price prescription drugs to the average number of standardized prescriptions per beneficiary rose from 48 to 54 per year—a 13 percent increase. Standardized prescriptions are adjusted to day equivalents for more than a day supply.

According to administrative data about Medicaid, the number of prescriptions per person with Medicaid coverage for prescription drugs rose from an average of 7 to 11 per year over that same period—an increase of 57 percent. The administrative data on Medicaid drug use and spending do not include information on days supplied and thus are unadjusted. As with per enrollee spending, the variation in per enrollee use of prescription drugs between those two programs reflects differences in the health status of their beneficiaries.

Bythat share had fallen to 20 percent. It continued to fall thereafter, declining to 15 percent in That long-term decline is largely explained by a gradual increase in the share of spending covered by the Medicare and Medicaid programs, which grew from 13 percent in to 36 percent in Some of that increase is attributable to the creation of Medicare Part D in In that year, the share of spending covered by Medicare and Medicaid increased to 25 percent, up from 19 percent in That share has steadily increased since More recent increases were partly attributable to the increased generosity of the Part D benefit that was mandated by both the ACA in and the Bipartisan Budget Act ofas well as to the Medicaid expansions that were encouraged by the ACA.

The role of private health insurance in paying for prescription drugs has also increased since Its share of spending was 26 percent in and 44 percent in price prescription drugs, although the share covered by private health insurance was highest in the early s, ranging from 47 percent to 50 percent. That share has since fallen.

Greater access to generic drugs in those programs may be another key factor that explains the increased use of prescription drugs: Lower-cost options make it easier for people to purchase their prescribed medications. Nationwide, the share of standardized prescriptions dispensed for generic drugs was 75 percent in and reached 90 percent by In Medicaid, the number of generic prescriptions roughly tripled over that time, whereas the number of brand-name prescriptions was essentially unchanged see Figure 3.

As a result, the share of prescriptions for generic drugs in Medicare Part D increased from 72 percent in to 90 percent in ; that share increased from 70 percent to 87 percent in Medicaid over the same period.

Increased use of generic drugs also helps explain why per enrollee spending in federal programs rose more slowly than the increase in overall use of prescription drugs in those programs. Although the use of generic drugs grew over the — period, the use of brand-name drugs did not. Two factors account for price prescription drugs difference: Price prescription drugs equivalents for a growing number of brand-name drugs became widely available, and insurers increasingly steered patients toward generic drugs.

One of the primary factors contributing to the increased use of generic drugs over the — period was the availability of generic equivalents for a growing number of brand-name drugs as their patents expired or were successfully challenged by manufacturers of generic drugs. That process accelerated in the first decade of the s when the blockbuster drugs of the previous decade began losing their sales-exclusivity rights. In addition, insurers have used a variety of tools to steer patients toward generic drugs.

However, the rate of increase in the share of prescriptions for generic drugs has slowed in recent years. That reduced growth coincides with the leveling off of two former sources of growth: First, the share of prescriptions for which a generic option is available has equaled 92 percent since Second, since97 percent of prescriptions that have both a brand-name option and a generic option have been dispensed as generic drugs.

That could be the case if those drugs treat conditions that affect fewer patients and are more challenging to replicate. Factors that Increase the Use of Generic Drugs. Health insurers use a variety of methods to encourage the use of generic drugs when they are available. A common tool is to charge lower out-of-pocket costs for generics than for brand-name alternatives. Plans typically require even higher cost sharing for specialty drugs, which are less likely to have generic alternatives.

Other tools price prescription drugs used to manage utilization directly: For the most part, the Medicaid program requires that generic versions of a drug be dispensed when available, and most Medicare Part D plans exclude the brand-name version of a drug from its formulary when a generic alternative is available. When consumers pay the full amount for a prescription drug out of pocket, the difference in the amount they pay for a generic drug versus a brand-name alternative is generally larger than the differences described above.

That leads to a greater incentive to choose a generic substitute over a brand-name drug. In13 percent of people with employment-based insurance were enrolled in a plan with a deductible specific to prescription drugs, up from 10 percent in The use of generic drugs may not increase much further for two reasons: First, generic drugs are used extensively. Those drugs represent 90 percent of all prescriptions.

Second, newer drugs are more likely to be biologics drugs that are produced from living organisms. Those drugs are more complex and harder to manufacture or replicate than small-molecule drugs. Consequently, there may be fewer generics developed from them when their patents expire.

Manufacturing a biologic with the same active molecule—called a biosimilar—introduces an additional layer of complexity compared with small-molecule drugs. Biosimilars are necessarily created from different cell lines than the originals, so they are identical at the molecular level.

As a result—unlike for generic versions of small-molecule drugs—noninnovator firms that is, manufacturers of generic or biosimilar drugs typically need to run clinical trials to demonstrate that their biosimilars are not meaningfully different from the reference biologic product.

For certain biologic drugs that have small markets, the difficulty that prospective imitators might face is compounded. The lower potential revenues from sharing a small market, at lower prices, may increase the risk that firms producing biosimilars will fail to recover their higher development costs from imitating a complex drug. When a coupon induces an enrollee to choose a brand-name drug over a generic, it increases the cost to insurers because they then must cover the more expensive brand-name drug for that enrollee.

Coupons also provide a discount for consumers who have not yet met their deductible or who lack insurance coverage. Coupon programs offered by manufacturers have become more prevalent over time: Whereas in manufacturers issued coupons for fewer than brand-name drugs, by more than drugs were covered by coupons.

For example, California has banned their use for brand-name drugs that have generic equivalents. By one estimate, that ban affects about 20 percent of the drugs covered by coupons. In addition, coupons for brand-name drugs cannot be used by Medicare and Medicaid beneficiaries because they constitute a violation of the anti-kickback statute. Nationwide data on the average prices of prescription drugs are not readily available, but it is unlikely that the average net price prescription drugs of a prescription has increased considerably in recent years.

Nationwide per capita spending on prescription drugs has generally held steady price prescription drugs declined since the mids—other than the increase from to —whereas use of prescription drugs has most likely increased over that period. Further, a recent industry analysis shows that reductions in spending resulting from losses of exclusivity and generic pricing reductions nearly offset the growth in spending resulting from the entry of new drugs and price growth among other brand-name drugs.

Changes in average prices in the Medicare and Medicaid programs also support that assessment. Despite increases in the use of lower-cost generic drugs over the — period, the average price of a prescription drug did not fall significantly, because of increases in the prices of brand-name drugs.

Net prices reflect the rebates and fees paid by manufacturers and pharmacies to payers, such as government-sponsored health insurance plans and the Medicaid program, for brand-name drugs.

To remove the effects of presxription inflation when comparing prices and spending over time, estimates of prices for prescription drugs have been adjusted to dollars using the gross domestic product price index from the Bureau of Economic Analysis. Changes in the average net price of a prescription are driven by two opposing trends: increases in the use of lower-cost generic drugs and increases in the prices of brand-name drugs.

The share of prescriptions for generic medications that people have purchased at retail pharmacies has grown to 90 percent.

That shift toward generic drugs has put considerable downward pressure perscription the average price of the prescription drugs that people have purchased.

However, average prices of brand-name drugs—which constitute the remaining 10 percent of prescriptions—have increased considerably over time. Those increases in average prices represent the combined effect of price increases for drugs already on the market and prices for new drugs, which tend to be higher than prices for drugs already on the market.

Underlying the overall trends are differences in the prices presfription by various payers. Payers are the entities that pay for prescription drugs, namely commercial insurers and federal health care programs, as well as individuals without prescription drug coverage. One key price prescription drugs that drives those differences is that manufacturers provide different rebate amounts to different payers for a given drug. Another key factor is that people with different sources of coverage tend to use different sets of drugs that have different average prices.

Comparisons Between Medicare and Medicaid. The similarity in the net prices for drugs covered by Medicare and Medicaid masks large differences in average retail prices—that is, the prices paid to pharmacies—for the drugs that beneficiaries of those programs purchase.

The average retail price of a prescription covered by Medicaid is much higher than that of a prescription covered by Medicare. Because retail prices for a given drug tend to be similar in Medicare and Medicaid, those prescripfion primarily reflect differences in the mix of drugs prescriptioh in the two programs.

Medicare beneficiaries tend to use less complex drugs that treat chronic conditions. Those drugs tend to have lower retail prices. By contrast, the prescriptions that Medicaid-only beneficiaries fill are more likely to be costly drugs that treat complex conditions. Such drugs include psychotherapeutic pfice and HIV treatments. Price prescription drugs, per enrollee spending on prescription drugs is lower in Medicaid than in Medicare because Medicaid beneficiaries prescriphion to use fewer drugs.

In addition, Medicaid beneficiaries tend to have low cost-sharing requirements—and sometimes none at all—and any cost sharing is generally not tied to the price of a drug. Therefore, Medicaid beneficiaries drubs be more likely to fill prescriptions for more expensive medications than Medicare beneficiaries, whose cost sharing is more directly tied to the price of a drug.

Another CBO report indicated that Medicare beneficiaries tend to use perscription expensive drugs price prescription drugs a therapeutic class than do Medicaid beneficiaries. The remaining difference in retail prices prescrpition from differences in average prices for the sets of brand-name and generic drugs used by the two price prescription drugs. Comparisons With Commercial Plans. Although CBO does not have data on per capita drug use or average prices for the rest of the U. The average age of people without public insurance prsscription of whom have commercial insurance and the average health status of that population are probably between those of the Medicaid population which has a large proportion of younger parents and children and the Medicare population which consists mostly of elderly people and prescriptio people.

However, the net price of ptice given drug is generally lower for Medicaid than for commercial plans or for Medicare Part D because of rebates price prescription drugs manufacturers are required to pay to Medicaid plans—particularly for brand-name drugs. Medicaid programs are entitled by law to receive the greater of The Medicare Part D benefit is administered by private insurers who also provide commercial insurance plans, and rebate negotiations by both types of plans are handled in similar fashion, perhaps price prescription drugs by the same negotiators.

The primary difference in bargaining leverage presrciption commercial price prescription drugs and Medicare Part D plans is that the largest rebate that a manufacturer offers price prescription drugs a commercial plan also has to be made available to Medicaid, which reduces the size of the largest rebate that manufacturers would otherwise be willing to pay.

In contrast, priec that manufacturers pay to Part D plans do not directly affect Medicaid prices. Therefore, manufacturers may be willing to pay larger rebates to Part D plans than to commercial insurance plans.

Net prices for brand-name drugs dtugs the competitive landscape for a given drug. In cases in which therapeutic alternatives are limited, the manufacturer tends to have greater leverage, particularly for drugs that offer larger benefits to patients than other treatment options.

In those cases, manufacturers have considerable monopoly power to exercise, particularly given that insured patients often pay a small share of the total price of a brand-name drug and that plans price prescription drugs feel considerable pressure to cover those drugs in order to retain market share. Similarly, as employers prescriptikn decisions about the generosity of their employment-based plans, they may feel prescripton to provide coverage for such drugs in order to retain employees.

In situations prescritpion which there are therapeutic alternatives, payers and PBMs tend to have greater leverage to negotiate for lower net prices.

In those cases, price prescription drugs prices would probably be set lower—or grow more slowly—because manufacturers typically accept lower prices in exchange for greater formulary access or reduced formulary access for their price prescription drugs. SinceMedicare and Medicaid have both vrugs substantial increases in the prices they pay for read more drugs.

Retail prices have increased even more dramatically. For more detail on the divergence between retail and net prices, see Box 2. Growth in prices for brand-name drugs from to prescriotion the result of a combination of factors: higher average prices for drugs entering the market prrscription for drugs already on the market and presription price growth for drugs after they entered the market.

Net prices for brand-name drugs reflect rebates and fees paid by manufacturers and pharmacies to payers, such as government-sponsored health insurance plans and the Medicaid program. For Medicaid, the rebate percentage increased from 44 percent in to 63 percent preecription Recent research has found that, on a nationwide basis, average rebates for brand-name xrugs have increased as well, from 32 percent in to 48 percent in Instead, rebates tend to be shared among all enrollees in a given plan through reductions in premiums.

Some of those increases can be prexcription to statutory requirements. In the Medicare Part D program, manufacturers have been required prescriptin to provide a discount known as the coverage gap discount. Also known as the donut hole, the coverage gap represents a range of spending for which beneficiaries were required to durgs the full cost of their prescription drugs. Although the coverage gap was eliminated by legislation inthe term is still defined in federal drug to refer to that phase of the benefit.

The discount was originally set at 50 percent of the retail price and was increased to 70 price prescription drugs in In the Medicaid program, rebates have increased both as a prescripttion of the additional statutory rebate provided to Medicaid for drugs whose retail prices rise faster than inflation and because of the increase in the minimum rebate as required by the Affordable Care Act.

Rebates may also have grown as a consequence of increased competition. The Medicaid program benefits indirectly from that leverage because commercial insurance plans use it to negotiate larger rebates presccription themselves, and the Medicaid rebate on brand-name drugs is partially based on the largest rebate received by any of those plans. Many Medicaid programs also engage in negotiation with manufacturers on a smaller scale, bargaining over supplemental rebates they would receive in exchange for placing a drug on a preferred drug list.

Net prices are usually a better measure than retail prices of what consumers and insurance plans actually pay for price prescription drugs drug. However, there are several exceptions. For example, consumers enrolled in a plan with a deductible for prescription drugs pay the retail price of a drug until they meet that deductible. Furthermore, average cost sharing for Medicare Part D beneficiaries is required to be based on retail prices—which means that beneficiaries pay for a larger share of net drug spending as rebate percentages grow.

Consumers do not get the rebates directly. But with competitive forces in insurance markets and regulatory medical loss ratio MLR requirements, consumers price prescription drugs receive a substantial fraction of those rebates—in the form of lower premiums or more generous benefits. Failing that, they must provide a rebate equal to the difference between that requirement and what the plan actually paid in claims pice their enrollees.

That is particularly true of enrollees in Part D plans because their benefit designs are required to be actuarially equivalent to a plan with the standard benefit design. The standard benefit calls for a coinsurance rate of 25 percent once the deductible price prescription drugs met—until the catastrophic threshold is reached.

In addition, cost sharing in the coverage gap tends to take the form of coinsurance rather than a flat copayment. When competition from other drugs leads to larger rebates and lower net prices, that 25 percent coinsurance constitutes a larger share of the net price than for drugs with net prices that are closer to retail prices—that is, for drugs with less competition or generic drugs.

As a result, enrollees who are more likely to use brand-name drugs that face competition from other drugs pay a greater share of net drug costs than enrollees who primarily use generic drugs or brand-name drugs without therapeutic competition. Enrollees who use brand-name drugs that face greater competition and have larger rebates would benefit from the lower cost sharing that results from rebates being applied when the orescription is purchased.

However, directing part of those rebates toward reducing cost-sharing payments would reduce price prescription drugs amount of rebate dollars that could be used toward reducing premiums for all enrollees, leading to higher premiums.

The Medicaid price and spending figures in this report do not include those supplemental rebates because CBO does not have information on such rebates.

Growth in prewcription prices reflects a combination of several factors. For example, the composition of brand-name prescriptions that people fill has shifted from less expensive drugs toward more expensive drugs.

One key factor in the shift toward more expensive drugs is that newer drugs tend to be more expensive than older drugs. In addition, prices for drugs already on the market tend to grow faster than inflation.

The Role of Launch Prices. Newer drugs are often launched at higher prices than drufs paid for drugs currently on the market.

For example, in the Medicare Part D program, the average net price in for brand-name drugs that were launched after was nearly four times pfescription average net price for brand-name drugs already on the market in And inthe average net price for new drugs launched after was 12 times the average net price for brand-name drugs already on the market in The phenomenon of increasingly high launch prescriptionn for new drugs is partly driven by the rising number prescriptino specialty drugs.

Specialty drugs tend to be more complex to develop and manufacture than nonspecialty drugs, and they generally have much higher prices because of the larger benefits to health and well-being that they tend to confer on their patients. Inthey accounted for 78 percent of spending on new drugs launched after in Medicare Part D and 8 percent of prescriptions for new drugs.

Inspecialty drugs accounted for 88 percent of that spending and 39 percent of prescriptions for pice drugs those prsecription after Although prices for a given drug vary across payers, the rising influence of specialty drugs on spending—and therefore on usage-weighted average prices—probably plays a role for all payers. The Role of Price Growth. Another key component of the growth in average net prices for brand-name drugs is year-over-year price growth for a given ;rescription, though the importance of that factor may differ substantially among payers.

Price prescription drugs a price index approach, CBO found that net prices for brand-name drugs increased by an average of 6. However, the large difference does suggest that prices paid by Part D over the — period grew more quickly than the prices paid by other payers, on average. That difference may have been driven by slower price growth in Medicaid, stemming from the statutory rebates that Medicaid receives.

In addition, enrollees in commercial insurance price prescription drugs may have been more likely to use drugs that face therapeutic competition than enrollees in Part D, which price prescription drugs have also led to slower growth in prices presrciption by commercial plans.

The Role of Federal Policies. Federal policies may have contributed to the growth in drug prices. Medicaid is entitled to the largest rebate that a manufacturer provides to any payer. That requirement does not apply to the rebates provided to certain government programs, such as Medicare Part D. That prcie has increased average net prices for commercial payers more broadly. Similarly, the additional prive rebate provided to Medicaid for drugs whose retail prices rise faster than inflation may have contributed to the higher launch prices of new drugs.

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In addition to the requirement that Part D plans cover all drugs in the six protected classes, plans are also required to cover at least two drugs in all other therapeutic classes. Those requirements diminish the leverage that PBMs bring to their negotiations with manufacturers over drug prices for Part D plans.

Manufacturers may also feel less pressure to constrain prices because of the increase in the share of overall drug spending that is covered by insurers. Policymakers and stakeholders have pointed to the high and rising prices of prescription drugs as a reason to question whether the profits of brand-name drug manufacturers are excessive. For a brief overview of the profitability of the pharmaceutical industry, see Box 3. Policymakers and stakeholders often express concern that the profits of manufacturers of brand-name drugs are excessive—particularly given the high and rising prices of many brand-name drugs and price prescription drugs budgetary pressures posed by rising health care costs.

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That concern may stem from the observation that brand-name prescription drugs are often priced at levels that greatly exceed the price prescription drugs costs of manufacturing and distributing them. In general, studies that make those longer-range comparisons find that the profitability of the pharmaceutical industry is similar to that of other industries, whereas shorter-range comparisons find that the profitability of the pharmaceutical presrciption exceeds that of other industries.

Understanding the profitability of the pharmaceutical industry requires distinguishing the presription and short-run costs of producing a drug once it is approved from the much larger peescription costs of drug development and gaining approval for sale.

Small-molecule brand-name drugs tend to have incremental production costs of just pennies per pill. Production costs are often higher for biological drugs, which might require more complex and costlier manufacturing processes. But those costs still tend to be low when compared with the prices that such brand-name prescription drugs often command.

Meanwhile, the process of developing and testing a new drug and bringing it to market is price prescription drugs, costly, and time-consuming. Brand-name drugs generally command high prices once they are approved, because of the market power that manufacturers of brand-name drugs often have. Patent and Trademark Office and exclusivity periods set by statute, depending on the type of drug and the population it treats.

During that time, the manufacturer is the sole producer of that drug, although it may face competitive pressure if there are other, similar drugs available in the same therapeutic class. When the market-exclusivity period expires, other firms typically introduce generic versions of that drug, and those generic drugs are often sold at much lower prices than the brand-name drug.

The period of exclusive sales rights can be highly profitable for the manufacturer, particularly when a drug confers substantial clinical benefits and few or no therapeutic alternatives are available. Decisions about whether to undertake the necessary laboratory research and clinical trials for any particular compound must be made in the face of uncertainty about its ultimate clinical value.

Most drug compounds yield no significant therapeutic results; of those that enter clinical trials, only about 12 percent make it to market.

Even in those few cases in which a manufacturer successfully develops a new product, it sees no revenue for years following the various decisions about whether to proceed with the requisite stages of development.

The investment decisions of manufacturers of brand-name drugs are informed by that same mechanism. Estimating the long-term profits that manufacturers of brand-name drugs realize requires examining the entire life cycle of development of presxription portfolio of drugs and the sales of those drugs.

Estimates of such measures present challenges, and the results can be sensitive to the methods used.

How do prescription drug costs in the United States compare to other countries?

Some analyses that have made such an adjustment have found that, compared with other industries, the pharmaceutical industry does not have unusually high profits. Such estimates often indicate that profit margins are higher for manufacturers of brand-name drugs than they are for many other firms.

A full discussion of the profitability of the pharmaceutical industry is beyond the scope of this report. Generic drug prices are usually close to their unit cost of production, particularly prescriptioj many generic versions of a drug are available.

Another factor underlying brand-name drug prices is that insured patients are insulated from the full cost of their prescription drug choices, with the result prive consumers are less sensitive to price prescription drugs than they otherwise would be.

See Joseph A. DiMasi, Henry G. Dashboard Data Tools About Us. Search Search. Health Spending How do prescription drug costs in the United States compare to other countries? Stay Connected. Get the best of the Health System Tracker delivered to your inbox. Prescription drug spending in the U. Americans have higher out-of-pocket spending on price prescription drugs drugs than do people in countries.

Prescription drugs cost more in the U. Related Content:. Health Spending How has Https:// The share of the population taking prescription drugs is somewhat higher in the U.

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Compare prescription drug prices and find coupons at more than US pharmacies. Save up to 80% instantly! Nationwide spending on prescription drugs increased from $30 billion in to $ billion in (All estimates of drug spending and prices.

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